3. The Muslim birth rate

3.1. Muslim fertility

       Is there anything demonstrably intentional about this Islamic demo­gra­phic expansion?  In an article seek­ing to "explode the myth" of Mus­lim demo­gra­phic aggres­sion, jour­nali­sts Namita Bhan­dare, Louise Fernan­des and Minu Jain them­selves admit that accor­ding to of­ficial surveys, "the disapproval of family planning is highest among Muslims", while "the practice of family planning methods in 1980 was lowest amongst Muslims (only 23% of those surveyed prac­tised it as op­posed to 36% Hin­d­us)".[1]­  They furt­­­­­­­­­­h­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­er admit that between 1971 and 1981, "the Hindu po­pu­l­ation was up by 24.1­5%, whereas the Muslim popula­tion shot up by 30.59­%".  Further, they give the decline in fer­tility levels in the same period: 20.1% decline for urban and 20.0% for rural Hindus, 18.5% for urban and 17.3% for rural Mus­lims.  This means that the al­ready lower fertility level of the Hindus is declining faster than that of the Muslims.

       Let us hear the same indications from an official source: "The total fertility  rate (TFR) is 3.4 children per woman. (...) Muslims have con­siderably higher fer­tility than any other religious group.  Muslim women have a TFR of 4.4, which is 1.1 children higher than the TFR for Hindu women."[2]

       The implication of these data is that the Muslim rate of growth in percentage of the Indian population will go on incre­asing.  Instead of extrapolating across cen­turies, we may make a safer prognosis for the next few decades.  It is safe to pred­ict that the 2001 census will show another sharp increase in the rate at which Muslims are demograph­ically catching up with the Hindu majority.  It is then that the full effect of the birth control cam­paigns of the 1960s and 70s will become visible.  Given the higher Hindu participation in the birth control effort of the 1960s and 70s, we must now be witnes­sing a cumulative effect, of a proportionately smaller number of Hindu moth­ers (born in that period) having in their turn each a smaller number of children than the propor­tiona­tely larger number of Muslim mothers, on average.  

 

3.2. The economic explanation

       Unable to refute the Hindu Revivalist perception of a visible and increasing Muslim demographic growth, the journalists retreat to their next line of defence: they admit the fact of Muslim demographic expan­sion but discon­nect it from Muslim identi­ty.  They offer as their expla­nation that it has nothing to do with Islam as such nor with any ag­gressive designs: it is all due to Muslim poverty, "the reason has to do with econom­ics and not with religi­on".[3]­  This is the old Marxist cliché: red­u­ce everyt­hing­­­­­­ to econo­mic fac­tors.  It is still the most common explan­at­ion for the higher Muslim growth rate: the average Indian Muslim is poorer and less educa­ted than the average Hindu, and pover­ty and low educat­ion both happen to lead to a higher birth rate.

       Baljit Rai, a retired police officer who was a personal witness to India's failure in con­tain­ing the rising tide of il­legal im­migration from Bangladesh, refu­tes this ar­gument by poin­ting to the birth rate among Kerala Muslims, who have a high level of education and a relativ­ely high stan­dard of living.  Mani Shankar Aiyar had clai­med on the basis of statewise figures for the south­ern states that "Muslim birth rates in all these en­light­ened states are very much lower than Hindu birth rates in unen­lightened states like Uttar Prad­esh".[4]­­  However, Rai's clos­­er­­ analy­s­is of the figur­­­­­­­­­­­­­­es­ shows that the Kerala Mus­lims have a higher birth-rate than the natio­nal Hindu average and even than the Hindu average in poor and back­ward states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan: the population growth (+28.74% for 1981-91) in the Muslim-majority district of Malappuram (with female liter­acy at 75.22%, far higher than among Hindus in the Hindi belt) is more than twice as high as the aver­age for Kerala (+13.98), and well above the Hindu national aver­age (+23.50).[5]

       A secularist journalist confirms: "In spite of this 'near total literac­y' the popula­tion growth rate of Muslims who constitute one-fourth of Kerala's population is as high as 2.3 per cent per year, which is more than even the natio­nal PGR [= population growth rate] of 2.11 per annum and is almost double the PGR of Hindus in Kerala it­se­lf."[6]­­  

       The figures for Kerala exemplify a general rule: at any given level of literacy and economic status, Muslims will have a marked­ly higher birth rate than their Hindu counterparts, even to the extent of having a higher birth rate than Hindus in a lower educa­tional or income brack­et.  A secularist journalist, Pranay Gupta, estimates that in Hyderabad, which has a large Muslim middle-class, a typical Muslim family has eight child­ren while a Hindu family has four.[7] 

 

3.3. The literacy factor

       Ever since the prop­agation of birth contro­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­l among the Hindu mas­ses, rich and literate Muslims have more child­ren than poor and illiterate Hindus -- the religi­ous deter­minant overrules the econo­mic determinant.  This comes out clearly when we compare with the admittedly high growth rate for the Scheduled Castes: "The high growth rate of Muslims, due to poverty, illiteracy etc., is comparable to the growth rate of Scheduled Castes", writes Ashish Bose; but he himself gives the SC growth rate as 31% for the decade 1981-91 agai­nst the Muslim growth rate of 32.8%­.[8] ­  True, some Muslims fall in the same low-income catego­ry­­ as the SCs; but taking into account the Muslim middle-class, some old landed gentry and a lot of guest wor­kers in the Gulf states, the average Muslim income is con­siderably higher than the average SC income.[9] 

       Likewise, illiteracy is definite­­­­­­­ly higher among the SCs than among Muslims.  And yet, the Muslim growth rate is still 1.8% higher than that of the SCs.  "Even after contr­olling for the level of education among women, relig­ious differentials in fer­tility per­sist.  Scheduled Caste women have a higher TFR (3.9) than Scheduled Tribe women (3.6) and non-SC/ST women (­3.3)"[10]­­ -- all of them considerably less than the Muslim TFR of 4.4.­

       The same is true for the rural-urban dif­feren­tial: just like in other countries, Indian rural coup­les have a higher fer­tility (5.7 for Hindus, 6.2 for Muslims) than urban couples (4.2 for Hindus, 4.9 for Mus­lims), but this secular determinant of fer­tility is over­ruled by the relig­ious deter­mina­nt, for Muslims are more con­centr­ated in the cities but have a higher over-all birth rate nonethe­less.[11]

       Incidentally, the source just cited, Mohan Rao, provi­des an example of the misplaced confidence with which secularists berate Hindu Revival­ists as unreliable, men­dacious etc.  Though riding a very high horse in his denun­ciat­ion of "communal propaga­nda", Rao himself makes a conspic­uously counter­factual state­ment: "The Hindu populat­ion increased by 0.71 per cent bet­ween 1961-71 and 1971-81.  The populat­ion of Muslims rose by 0.05 per cent, much less than that of Hindus. (...) the growth rates of Hindus will continue to be higher than those of Mus­lims."[12] 

       He confuses the figures for the incre­ase in popu­lat­ion with the actual popula­tion figures.  The Hindu growth rate increa­sed bet­ween 1971 and 1981, from 23.71% to 24.42% (a finding on which Mani Shankar Aiyar builds a simila­rly mis­taken case against a furt­her Hindu decrease and Muslim increase)[13], but remained­­ far below the Muslim growth rate of 30.85% c.q. 30.90%, so that the effec­tive Hindu percentage decreased (by O.37%).  Moreov­er, this incre­ase was a freak develop­ment in a long-term decrease of the Hindu growth rate due to family plan­ning, and was easily undone by a decre­ase twice as big (to 22.78%) in 1991.[14]­­ 

 

3.4. The Muslim growth rate worldwide

       The same trend as witnessed in India is conspicu­­­ous at the inter­national level: Muslim count­ries are among the cham­pions of demog­raphic growth.  The econo­mic expla­­nat­ion for high and low birthr­ates breaks down when confron­ted with the figures for Muslim countries: the rich and or­thodox Saudi Arabs procreate much faster than the relati­vely poor but more secularized Turks. 

       The yearbooks of the En­cyclopedia Brittannica give a wealth of countr­ywise data, inc­lud­ing the population's doubling‑r­ate, which is a more accurate indicator of effec­tive demographic growth than the birth rate.  It turns out that no Muslim coun­try ­has a marked­ly lower growth rate than India.  Indonesia, Turkey and Tunisia are at about the same level as India, which is already seen by many as a demogra­phic disaster area itself (do­ubl­ing in ca. 33 years).  It is no coincidence that these are the three most secul­arized Muslim countri­es.[15]  The more Is­lamic a country, the high­­­­­­­­­er­­ the birthr­ate: Iran, Jordan, Lybia, Kuwait and Eritrea double their populati­ons in 20 years or less, up to twice as fast as In­d­ia.[16]­­­ 

       The Arabs are the champions: "In no Arab country­­­­ does the popul­ation increase at a rate lower than 2.5% per year.  In practically every Arab country, more than 4 inhabitants in 10 are youngsters below 15."[17]  Pakis­tan is Asia's­ fastest­-growing non-Arab count­­­ry,­ doubling its popu­lat­ion every 24 yea­rs.[18]­  No country is known to have a higher birth‑r­ate among non‑Mus­lims than among Muslims, but count­ries where the opposite is true are numerous.[19]  The starkest differential is proba­­b­­­­­­­­­­ly­­­­­­ found in the Europ­ean count­ries.  Thus, to use anot­her demo­gra­phic in­dicat­or, the per­cent­age of the under-25 age group in Brit­ain is 33 for natives, 48 for In­dians (mostly Hindus) and Carib­beans, 60 for Pakistanis and 63 for Bangl­ade­s­his.[20]  A similar indicator for the Subcontinent: the under-15 constitute 46.3% in Pakis­tan, 45.1% in Bangladesh, and 35.2% in India.[21] 

       ­­In Bel­gium, the aver­­age native couple (Chri­stian or secular) has 1.7 child­ren, the immi­grant Moroccan couple (Mu­slim) has 3.25 chi­ldr­en, i.e. nearly twice as many.[22]  About American Islam, a Pakis­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­tani observer makes an estimate for the year 2,000: "The US (...) may by then become the 14th or 15th 'larg­est Islamic country­'.  Islam, in fact, is the fastest-growing religion in the US".  Though the growth is largely due to im­migration, he also sees "a higher birth rate" as "a major fac­t­o­r".[23]­­  

 

3.5. Islamic government policies

       In Malaysia, where Muslims were only 50% at the time of in­depen­dence, just enough to declare it an Is­lamic state, the Gover­nment pur­sues a natalist policy at least as far as the Muslim Malays are con­cern­ed (non-Muslims are mostly members of the Chin­ese and Tamil Hindu mino­ritie­s).  It is only in countries where Muslims are in an overwh­elming major­ity and demographic competition is simply not an issue that Islamic governments and religious lead­ers, faced with the probl­ems resul­ting from overpopulation, have made an effort to curb the birth rate. 

       Iran now tries to en­cour­age a three-children-per-family norm, and prides itself on reduc­ing the yearly increase in popula­tion to 1.75%, about half of what it was in the 1980s.[24]  But this will not markedly curb popula­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­tion growth in absolute figures for the next few decades: "A­lth­ough the rate of population­ growth­ has come down (...) the girls born in response to Khomein­i's call for more Muslims will soon reach marrying age; 45.5% of the popul­ation is under 15."[25] 

       Given the extrem­ely­­ high birth rate in the generat­­ion now growing up to beco­me the fathers and mothers of the next two decades (much more numerous than the genera­tion presently in their twenties and thir­ties and trying to stick to the three-children-per-family norm), even a two-children-per-family norm would still amount to an impres­sive demo­graphic growth for two more generatio­ns.  With a norm of three children per family, Iran is not even pur­suing a policy aimed at achie­ving demog­raphic zero growth, but even if it were, it could only achi­eve it at a much later date, and at a much higher popula­tion level, than countries with a more strin­gent com­mitment to demogra­phic respon­sibility.[26]

       There is no indication that even one Muslim country will achieve a substa­ntially lower growth rate than India's Hindu community within the next decades. 

 



[1]  "A pampered minority?", Sunday, 7-2-1993, with refere­nce to a 1980 survey by the Operations Research Group.

[2]  K.M. Mathew, ed.: Manorama Yearbook 1996, p.458-459.

[3]  "A pampered minority?", Sunday, 7-2-1993.

[4]  M.S. Aiyar: "Sex, lies and tushtikaran", Sunday, 24-1-1993.

[5]  See Baljit Rai: Is India Going Islamic?, p.103 ff.

[6]  K.B. Sahay: "Incentives and Disincentives", Hin­dus­tan Times, 19/12/1­995.

[7]  P. Gupta: India, the Challenge of Change (Methuen/Mandarin, LOndon 1989), p.219.

[8]  A. Bose: "Muslim rate of growth", Indian Express, 9-9-1995.

[9]  As Ashish Bose regretfully notes, the 1991 census gives no cross-tabulation between the data on religion, income and literacy, so we have to make do with old data, informed guesses or separate regional inves­tigations into the con­nections between these fac­tors.

[10]  K.M. Mathew, ed.: Manorama Yearbook 1996, p.458-459.  TFR: total fertility rate.

[11]  Figures given in Mohan Rao: "Not born of faith", Indian Expre­ss, 9-11-1993. 

[12]  M. Rao: "Not born of faith", Indian Expre­ss, 9-11-1993. 

[13]  M.S. Aiyar: "Sex, Lies and Tush­tikar­an", Sunday, 24-1-1993.

[14]  "Census 1991", in S. Shahabuddin, ed.: Muslim India, Sep.1995, p.386.

[15]  Mohan Rao ("Not born of faith", Indian Express, 9-11-1993) argues that "the percentage of couples using contr­aceptives in predominantly Muslim countries is very high", and to prove his point, he cites figures for Indonesia, Turkey and Egypt, three countries where the Government policies are denounced as un-Is­lamic by the guardians of orthodoxy.

[16]  Figures taken from the countrywise data in the En­cyclo­pedia Brittan­nica Book of the Year 1994.

[17]  "Arababy's", Trends (Brussels), 6-9-1990.

[18]  Confirmed in a different set of demographic in­dicators given in The Economist, 3-10-1992.

[19]  The only countries competing with the top Muslim count­ries for the highest demographic growth rate are some African countries (Kenya, Ivory Coast); at least on paper, for their proje­cted doubl­ing-time will have to be revised down­wards because of the AIDS epidemic.

[20]  Figures given by Prof. Judith Brown, Beit Profes­sor of Imperial His­tory, Oxford, speaking at the Annual South Asia Con­ference, Madison, Wisconsin, October 1995.

[21]  Encyclopedia Brittannica, 1996 yearbook.

[22]  Guy Tegenbos: "Gezinnen kroostrijkst bij Marokkanen en Israëlieten", De Standaard, 17-8-1994.

[23]  Abdus Sattar Ghazali: "Middle East poised to conf­ront demographic explosion", Dawn (Karachi), 3-11-1989.

[24]  "Iran brengt groei bevolking sterk terug" (Dutch: "Iran strongly redu­ces population growth"), Volkskrant (Amste­rdam), 13-7-1995.

[25]  "Arrows in the heart of Iran", The Economist, 3-10-1992.  The title is a pun on Ayatollah Kho­meini's natal­ist exhortation that "every Muslim child born is an arrow through the heart of America".

[26]  E.g. Vietnam, with a two-children-per-family norm but still increasing by over 1 million per year, not to speak of China with its dracon­ic one-child-per-family norm but a population still increasing at a rate of over 10 mil­lion in­dividuals per year. 

 

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